"These are schemes and machinations, not business and sustainable investment. Apologists for this venture from DPS need to clearly answer the question of whether 12 million euros in unpaid tax debt from the 'Možura' project is an indicator of economic benefit for Montenegro," Koprivica pointed out.
As he explained, the company in question is Spic ronghe international Montenegro limited.
"Multiple frauds to the detriment of the state were undertaken at her direction. First, she tried to obtain a VAT refund, and was not even registered in the VAT system. Second, she tried to obtain a tax privilege based on performing leasing operations, and does not have a Central Bank license for leasing. The only turnover that this company, registered in Montenegro, reported in Montenegro was the purchase, and on the same day the sale of the same equipment (pipes, wind generators) worth 40 million euros. She bought the equipment from Mozura Wind Park and sold it back to that company on the same day. Unprecedented gymnastics. The goal was twofold. First, to artificially inflate the amount entitled to deduct input VAT. Second, to pump money into Mozura Wind Park, of unexplained origin, from which Mozura Wind Park will repay the loans from which it financed the initial purchase of that equipment from the company Envision from China. The company Spik ronghe international Montenegro limited paid that money into Mozura's foreign exchange account abroad "wind park," said Koprivica.
The question arises, he adds, where did 40 million euros come from for a company that has no assets in Montenegro, has not performed any taxable activity, has not issued any other invoices, and has no operational capacity.
"That company is registered for financial leasing, and it did not receive a license for leasing operations from the Central Bank. A form of fraud. That company also pumped 40 million into the wind farm, and did not pay VAT. It avoided paying seven million euros on that occasion. How can (Milo) Đukanović, (Vladimir) Kavarić, (Branimir) Gvozdenović and their protagonists explain this damage to the budget of Montenegro? This is a kind of "Možura 2" affair. I emphasize this because based on clear evidence, the conclusion is drawn that the only lawlessness in connection with this project does not lie only in the transfer of the contract from Fersa-Čelebić to Cifidex, without respecting the applicable rules, and with the distribution of corrupt rent, but that fraud and lawlessness also extend during the implementation of this project, to the direct detriment of the budget of Montenegro," Koprivica underlined.
He believes that in order to fully shed light on this affair, both a coordinated strategy of state authorities and the achievement of international cooperation are necessary.
"In Malta and Spain, there are interested parties and institutional actors who can contribute to establishing all the facts. In order to have a full picture that the public should have, the amount of corruption is not four million euros, as was heard at the parliamentary Inquiry Committee, but significantly higher. This is evidenced by several facts. For example, Cifidex sold the shares to Enemalta on December 28, 2015 for 10.3 million euros. Cifidex then transferred 7.8 million euros to the company 17 Black. Three million was the return of funds used to purchase the shares, and 4.8 million euros is corrupt profit. Also, we have the conclusion of the Consortium Agreement on April 19, 2016 between IREDL, Vestigo, Envision, Enemalta and Montenegro Wind Park Power JV, according to which it was agreed that the JV would take over the shares of Mozura from Enemalta, 6.8 million euros as payment under the Payment Agreement, 3.5 million euros to Enemalta in cash; the consortium takes over the guarantee, and the payment is and added value to Enemalta for cash," Koprivica emphasized.
According to him, this very Envision, a Chinese company, is the supplier of the equipment worth 40 million euros from the beginning of the analysis.
Envision is the one paying 680,000 euros on behalf of the Malta Montenegro Wind Power JV on April 21, 2016, the Deputy Prime Minister emphasized.
"The 'Možura' affair has phases, and each is permeated with fraud and lawlessness in various forms. Every aspect of this corruption of international proportions must be investigated. This is also the key commitment of the Government of Montenegro and the National Anti-Corruption Council," concluded Koprivica.
Recall that the Možura project is mentioned in the investigation into corruption in Malta by local journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, who was killed in a car bomb explosion in October 2017.
Several years ago, the US State Department placed former Maltese officials Conrad Mizzi and Keith Schembri on a sanctions list "for their involvement in significant corruption."
The Možura wind farm near Ulcinj, worth around 90 million euros, was put into operation in mid-November 2019, at a time when the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and Milo Đukanović were in power.
Možura consists of 23 windmills and produces around 120 GWH of energy annually, the Government announced at the time.
They stated that the investment was implemented by the Maltese state-owned company Enemalta and the company Malta Montenegro Wind Park, and that the main contractor was the Chinese company Shanghai Electric Power Engineering.
Under the land lease agreement, the wind farm should become the permanent property of the state of Montenegro in 2035.
The Možura project was launched in 2010 and, according to Reuters research, the Spanish company Fersa Renovables was awarded the construction concession, but after a series of very strange transactions at the end of 2015, the Maltese government announced that it was being purchased by the state-owned company Enemelta.
According to these allegations, the company was at one point sold to an intermediary – Cifidex Ltd, a company based in the Seychelles.
The Inquiry Committee of the Parliament of Montenegro is now investigating the "Možura" case.
On Friday, a scheme was presented in parliament that includes dozens of related companies, individuals and institutions from Montenegro and abroad, which are suspected of acting in a coordinated manner to cover up corrupt activities related to the implementation of this project.
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